http://www.cseindia.org/html/extra/lib_training_form.htm
EQUITY WATCH
Equity Watch is a climate change newsletter from the Southern perspective the
latest issue is available on our website. This issue contains: Green future and more at
http://www.cseindia.org/html/cmp/climate/ew/index.htm
DEFYING CNG ORDERS
The Centre for Science and Environment is shocked at the callous attitude of the
chief minister Sheila Dikshit towards controlling severe air pollution problem in Delhi.
Her attitude towards the Supreme Court orders on clean fuels only betrays her desperation
to pass on the blame.
http://www.cseindia.org/html/cmp/air/press_20011122.htm
HEAVY LOAD
The auto industry releases a new model of vehicle every now and then. What is not
new about them is that they all pollute. Check out at
http://www.cseindia.org/html/dte/dte20011130/dte_stati.htm
THE MISSING LINK
A bi-monthly newsletter exploring the missing link. Produced by the health and environment
unit of the Centre for Science and Environment, it covers topic like poverty, Health and
Environment. Available for download at
http://www.cseindia.org/html/eyou/health/publications/missing_link.htm
WTO: A Mock Battle
THIS fortnight the Indian delegation to the ministerial meeting of the World Trade
Organisation (WTO) in Doha is going to stand out as the champion of the Third World,
defending the poor of the world against the "rich man's organisation" in the
words of our minister of commerce, Murasoli Maran. We would feel great if only there was
less rhetoric and more substance in the Indian position. As usual, we are reacting to just
about everything that is on the table and have little to offer, except the time repeated
bleating about Northern injustice. Maybe at the end the Indians will come home
"victorious" with some concessions on textile trade. The world may even agree to
amend the Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement to allow developing
countries the right to manufacture "generic" drugs for national medical
emergencies. But there will be another round of trade negotiations and just about
everything the Indians objected to - from investment and competition to environment - will
be part of the new deal.
Why do we end up losing so much and so often?
Firstly, it is because we are just not serious about our negotiating position and take
contradictory stands too often for anyone to believe us. Take the entire discussion on
linking environment with trade. The Indian position has been to reject the very idea
completely at the WTO. Quite right, we would argue, and I am repeating. Environment is an
unfair lever of power, as it can only be used by the rich to discipline the poor. On the
other hand, environmental governance requires instruments which will check the
environmentally errant industrialised North.
Secondly, our strategy is only to block the
movement of the proposal on the table. Not to propose a new agenda. This means that we are
successful in the short run but as the other side continues to push and push, the ground
keeps slipping under us. At the end we are shouting a slanging match with ourselves as the
other side has already gone to bed victorious.
In the case of environment in trade
negotiations, WTO had initially taken the position that importing countries had the
freedom to choose their own standards in order to protect their own people's health and
their own country's environment but they did not have the right to impose standards aimed
at improving the health or environmental practices of exporting countries. The latter
would amount to a kind of 'trade tyranny' and could be easily used for economic
protectionism. The open issue was whether such standards could be imposed on exporting
countries if a multilateral environmental treaty had been signed to this effect. It would
have served our purpose to accept this provision and to firmly draw the line.
But we adopted our time-honoured strategy of
prevaricating. As a result, pressures on WTO from the environmental lobbies of the North
have grown and the organisation has more or less caved in completely. Just last week, the
WTO 's appellate body decided in favour of the US in the famous case of the turtles verses
the shrimps. WTO has accepted that the US was correct in taking unilateral action against
another country - India, Malaysia and others - to protect the turtles, which US claimed
were being killed in the process of harvesting shrimps. It accepted the
extra-jurisdictional action of the US saying that as "turtles are migratory
species" these animals must have been in US waters at some time. It has even accepted
that trade can make a distinction between shrimps that are turtle-friendly - allowed to be
imported - and those that are turtle-unfriendly - banned from imports. This destroys our
position that trade cannot distinguish between products on the basis of the process used.
Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, we are
losing the battle because we do so little at home. The Indian government contends that the
TRIPS agreement should be amended so that it includes geographical indicators for products
like basmati or Darjeeling Tea. Perfect. But then why on earth has it taken the Indian
government since 1999 to get its domestic geographical appellation bill ready?
It also says that the TRIPS agreement must be
made compatible to the Convention on Biological diversity (CBD), which recognises the need
to protect and reward the knowledge of the poor, unlike TRIPS, which only recognises the
knowledge of the formal inventor. Again, a laudable position. But then, what does our
great government do in India. It sits and sits on its national biodiversity act, which
would have provided the framework to force users of the knowledge - both Indian and
foreign - to recognise the contribution of the poor knowledge holder. Worse, the draft
biodiversity act, is so unimaginative that it would do little to provide the bold
framework needed to shake the "rich man" TRIPS agreement.
It will be easier to flex our muscles if we are
consistent and serious about what we want. We cannot be a heavyweight internationally with
no legs to stand on in our own country. Maran says that WTO should not try and be a
"global government". We agree. But for that, Maran should also tell his prime minister and colleagues to start getting serious
about the business of government.
Pressures on WTO from the environmental lobbies
of the North have grown and the organisation has more or less caved in completely
- Anil Agarwal
(This article is also available online at
http://www.cseindia.org/html/dte/dte20011130/dte_edit.htm
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